President Zurabishvili Addressed the UK Parliament Foreign Affairs Committee
Georgian President Salome Zurabishvili warned the British Parliament on April 1 that Georgia is facing a growing internal crisis driven by pro-Russian authoritarianism, widespread repression, and systematic electoral manipulation allegedly orchestrated by Moscow.
Speaking to the Foreign Affairs Committee via video link, Zurabishvili said she could not attend in person because of an ongoing internal crackdown that has seen opposition leaders targeted with criminal charges, peaceful protesters arrested, and civil society institutions undermined. “If it were not for the current situation,” she would have participated physically. “But every day brings new repressive laws,” she told the MPs.
Election Manipulation and Russian Influence
Zurabishvili underlined that the October 2024 parliamentary elections were manipulated through a highly sophisticated operation allegedly orchestrated with Russian backing, citing widespread propaganda efforts and voter manipulation. She emphasized that Russian operatives were active within Georgia before and during the elections, employing various tactics to control voter behavior.
According to Zurabishvili, 3,500 call centers were used to monitor and pressure voters, and personal data was exploited after the ruling party took over the independent agency overseeing information protection. “There is no organization in Georgia that is able to think through a scenario in such a way, by itself, without any outside support,” she said.
Despite outlining multiple forms of electoral malpractice, Zurabishvili acknowledged the absence of direct evidence linking Russia to the operation. “Of course, I do not,” she admitted when asked if she had concrete proof, adding that such information should be within the purview of Georgian state agencies or international partners. However, she pointed to Russia’s track record in Moldova and Romania, where similar election interference tactics were employed. She also highlighted significant obstacles faced by Georgian migrants, noting that only 17,000 out of one million Georgians living abroad were able to vote due to restrictive measures.
Echoes of Belarus and the Russian Playbook
When asked whether Georgia was following the same path as Belarus under Alexander Lukashenko, President Salome Zurabishvili responded, “Yes, it’s the same playbook as in Russia and Belarus.” She pointed to the Georgian Parliament’s swift adoption of three controversial laws in a single day—without debate—including a so-called “foreign agents” law modeled after the American FARA, a revived Soviet-era treason statute, and new restrictions on media outlets and civil servants. “This playbook is clearly not written in Georgia,” Zurabishvili said, describing the legislature and government as “conciliatory” bodies serving a single ruler.
“To say whether we are going to become Belarus or not, I think there is a very important difference, which is the stage in which is the civil society here, the characteristic of the Georgian civil society that has been very resilient, even during the Soviet times it was resilient, and even before that, during other times of Georgian history. So there is a different characteristic of the Georgian population,” Zurabishvili said.
Zurabishvili highlighted continued support from European and American partners as a crucial factor, emphasizing ongoing ties with opposition leaders and her own office. “We are not abandoned,” she declared.
Georgian Dream’s Pro-Russian Shift Driven by Kremlin Pressure and Ivanishvili’s Dominance
Asked about Georgian Dream’s sharp pivot from pro-European to pro-Russian policies, President Salome Zurabishvili suggested the party’s previous pro-European stance may have been superficial. “Maybe it was fine as long as there were no challenges,” she said, adding that when faced with a real choice, “our neighbor Russia starts putting more pressure on the people on which it can put pressure. And obviously Mr. Ivanishvili is one of those persons on which Russia has some instruments of pressure.”
Speaking before British lawmakers, Zurabishvili pointed to Ivanishvili’s role in Georgia’s “rapid 180-degree shift” in foreign policy and domestic rhetoric. She cited the adoption of Russian-style propaganda, including anti-Western and anti-LGBT narratives, and recent overtures to China involving critical infrastructure projects. “So practically the handbook is not only in terms of implementing the laws and the methods of Russia or Belarus,” she said, “but also their rhetoric and their propaganda.”
Zurabishvili described Ivanishvili as the sole architect of Georgia’s political direction, reducing Georgian Dream to a “monolith” loyal to a single man. She noted that ministers, MPs, and party spokespeople uniformly echo his positions, leaving no room for dissent. Once informally involved in politics, Ivanishvili now directly dictates government decisions, Zurabishvili said, pushing Georgia further toward autocracy.
Ivanishvili’s influence also includes controversial financial activities. Zurabishvili accused him of exploiting a new “offshore assets” law to repatriate over $500 million worth of artwork and possibly other assets, with no financial scrutiny. “I vetoed the law, but my veto was overridden,” she said. “It creates a safe haven for sanctioned oligarchs.”
She warned that Georgia could become a “grey zone” used for sanctions circumvention. The National Bank of Georgia has adopted regulations that disregard international sanctions unless validated by Georgian courts; “That’s really opening a huge loophole,” she said.
Russia’s 2008 Invasion Failed to Derail Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic Path
Regarding Russia’s 2008 invasion of Georgia, Zurabishvili said that it served as a test case for future aggression, emboldened by the West’s limited response. Addressing British lawmakers, the president stressed that Georgia has historically been a “ground for experimentation” for Russian imperial ambitions, and that a lack of significant international pushback ultimately outweighed Moscow’s military shortcomings during the 2008 war. “That did not raise many protests from the Western world — not enough,” she said, adding that the muted reaction paved the way for the annexation of Crimea and the full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
Zurabishvili argued that as Russia reevaluates the costs of military intervention, it has shifted to subtler tools of influence — including manipulating elections and backing proxy governments — with Georgia once again used as a testing ground. She accused the Kremlin of operating through domestic political actors while avoiding sanctions or major diplomatic consequences. “It’s not visible… and if it doesn’t work, you can retreat easily,” she said, citing Georgia’s ongoing struggle against covert authoritarian influence.
Asked about Russia’s influence on Georgian politics through the occupied regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, President Salome Zurabishvili called the issue a “touchy, difficult, and sensitive problem for all Georgians.” While acknowledging the suffering caused by the Russian occupation, she emphasized that it has not given Moscow the leverage to derail Georgia’s pro-Western aspirations.
“It has not brought Georgia to its knees,” Zurabishvili said. Despite the ongoing occupation, Georgia has remained committed to its European path and NATO integration. She argued that Russia’s main objective—preventing Georgia from joining the Euro-Atlantic community—has ultimately failed.
Calls for Sanctions Linked to Clear Political Conditions
Zurabishvili urged Western allies to adopt a more strategic and conditional approach to sanctions, arguing that current punitive measures lack direction and fail to address the political crisis gripping Georgia. While refraining from naming individuals, she said sanctions should target systemic abuses—such as manipulated court rulings, fabricated evidence by law enforcement, and attacks on media freedom. Zurabishvili emphasized that sanctions must go beyond symbolic punishment, proposing they be tied to concrete steps like repealing repressive laws, releasing political prisoners, and setting a date for new elections.
“What should be done is to link the sanctions in a stick-and-carrot policy of conditionality. If you do this and that … then we can start talking about lifting some of the sanctions or putting Georgia back on the map and on the card of the contacts and the partnerships with our European and Western countries,” said Zurabishvili.
The president criticized the West for relying too heavily on reactive statements and called for a consistent, long-term policy that acknowledges Georgia’s strategic position on the Black Sea and its vital role in connecting Europe to Central Asia. “We need more of a policy and less reactive measures,” she said, addressing her comments to Georgia’s longstanding partners, including the UK, EU, and U.S.
In conclusion, Zurabishvili expressed optimism about Georgia’s future.
“I think my hopes for Georgia are the [same] ones for which I came back from France, where my family had emigrated, which is to help and support Georgia’s European path, democratic path, and stable future. I think that it is shared by the very vast majority of the Georgian population, so I’m confident that whatever the ups and downs and the very difficult position we are in today, the Georgian population will manage to have its way as it has always supported its own strong independence and its own way in the wider Europe.”
Also Read:
- 31/03/2025 – Tens of Thousands Rally in Tbilisi as President Zurabishvili Calls for “Platform of Resistance”
- 25/03/2025 – “Existential Challenge” Looms over Georgia, President Zurabishvili Tells Lithuanian Seimas
- 20/03/2025 – Salome Zurabishvili Urges EU Leaders to Discuss Georgia at European Council Meeting
- 27/02/2025 – Zurabishvili Presents “Path to New Elections”
- 25/02/2025 – Salome Zurabishvili: “We Should not Allow Another 1921 to Happen”
- 22/12/2024 – Addressing Crowds, President Zurabishvili Summons Ivanishvili to Negotiate New Elections
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