Following the March demonstrations against the “foreign agent” law, the Georgian youth has often been painted as an unexpected force, poised to help pro-European Georgians prevail over the incumbent authorities, apparently hesitant over their choice of alliances. But a critical question remains: Who precisely are these young people, and to what extent can they catalyze a momentous shift?
On June 10, students from Tbilisi State University expressed their dissatisfaction by throwing Russian rubles at Irakli Kobakhidze, the chairman of the Georgian Dream, who happens to teach constitutional law. This act of defiance was a notable manifestation of the escalating mobilization of Georgian youth against the government, which they see as pro-Russian. The intensity of this mobilization has notably increased following the March protests.
Considering the statistics
A look at the statistics confirms this trend. The latest survey by the CRRC, a pollster, done on behalf of NDI (National Democratic Institute) in March 2023 shows that a large portion of the Georgian population – 82% – strongly supports the idea of Georgia joining the European Union. The youth drive this number – an impressive 93% of Georgians aged between 18 and 34 endorse the idea.
Among Georgians aged 18-34, a significant majority, 62%, think that Georgia should work more closely with the European Union. In contrast, only 48% of people aged 55 and older feel the same way. This trend also applies to economic issues. Specifically, 34% of those aged 55 and above believe that Georgia should strengthen its economic relations with Russia, while only 15% of individuals aged 18-35 share this perspective.
Politicized but non-partisan
But the numbers also show that young people in Georgia are not very interested in party politics. A survey by CRRC in 2021 found that only 3% of those surveyed belong to a political party or union. This trend is reinforced when we look at the political preferences of young people. In a recent survey conducted by CRRC in March 2023, when asked which party they would vote for if there were parliamentary elections the next day, 44% of people aged 18-34 said “none,” and an additional 30% said they are not sure. This lack of support for political parties contributes to a growing suspicion about political institutions. Only 16% of those surveyed said they have some level of trust in the Parliament and the Government. When it comes to trust in political parties, this drops to a mere 8%, with 0% expressing complete trust in political parties.
According to Alexander Zibzibadze, one of the founders of Franklin Club, a liberal youth network, these young people are showing their disagreement with the government. They are against not only the opposition but also all political parties. However, it’s important to understand that dissatisfaction doesn’t mean they are not interested in politics. Zibzibadze believes that when they protest, it is a political action. That’s why he prefers to call them “non-partisan” rather than “apolitical.” The March protests confirm this point because they had no significant participation from political parties. Additionally, when party leaders tried to take advantage of these events for their own benefit, says Zibzibadze, the protesters immediately rejected them.
Underscoring that notion, one of the key features of the March movement was the absence of leading figures among the demonstrators. Tamuna Khoshtaria, a CRRC sociologist and researcher, explains this idea by saying that these were “small groups or movements” rather than protesters following leaders, as these demonstrations were “spontaneous.”
Different Visions of Europe
“In some cases, this ‘home to Europe’ discourse is more cultural, but when we say we want to join the European Union, it’s more political. So, essentially, these two tendencies are inseparable,” says Dr. Lika Tsuladze, Executive Director of the CSS (Center for Social Studies) and a specialist on the Europeanization of Georgia. According to her, talking about European integration means both joining a political institution and thus sharing the institutional values of the European Union and joining a more general space of cultural influence. There are several reasons why people, especially young people, want to support European integration, she says, naming two main factors: pragmatism and identity. Dr. Tsuladze explains pragmatic factors refer to “what people see as their benefits from the European Union.” In contrast, identity factors refer to “how close I see my identity to the European identity. And what do I think is the impact of Europe on my identity?”
Young and older generations have different visions of Europe, according to Zibzibadze. “For the older people, I would say about 40 and above, Europe means a higher salary, a better standard of living,” he says, “For younger people, the standard of living is also important. But it’s more the values, like freedom, freedom of expression, no matter your religion. They feel that Europe is where they belong, not only because of the standard of living but also because it conveys the values with which they identify themselves the most”.
And the choice is easy for the younger generations – considering what alternatives to Europe exist. “The EU is also considered the only alternative to Russian influence. [In the eyes of these youths] Europe is always better than Russia, even if it is not perfect. They know what is coming out of Russia. Maybe you don’t agree with all the things that come from Europe, but at least you have a chance to say that you don’t agree with them. In Russia, you can’t say that you disagree.”
Thus, two generations may have different visions but share one common goal – the European Union rather than Russia’s cold embrace.
The risk of the exodus
Even though Georgian youth seem to be strongly committed to fighting for their future, as evidenced by their interest in European integration and their actions during the March protests, Georgian society faces a problem. Many of these young people are leaving the country for a better future. “They just want to get out of the country,” says Tamar Khoshtaria of CRCC bluntly. Zibzibadze, who is in direct contact with youths at his club, confirms: “I ask them what their plan for the future is, and the majority would say: ‘If I am successful enough, I will apply for a bachelor’s or master’s degree in the EU or the U.S. and then stay there.”
Statistics confirm this trend. In 2013, people between 20 and 29 represented more than 15% of the population; today, in 2023, they represent only 11%. Georgia loses an average of 12,000 young people aged 20-29 every year, according to the official data by Geostat. Ultimately, it seems easier for young Georgians to go directly to Europe than wait for Europe to reach them here.
But Alexandre Zibzibadze feels something has changed with the March demonstrations. He compares the feeling to the climactic moment of the Lord of the Rings, J.R.R. Tolkien’s iconic fantasy saga, when the magician Gandalf arrives on his white horse with reinforcements to rescue the fighters who have forsaken all hope and just fight to save their honor. “I say that Gen Z was, basically, our reinforcement, like Gandalf coming in on the white horse,” Zibzibadze chuckles.
It seems that the voices of young people are finally starting to matter. According to IRI polls, in February 2021, 60% of Georgians thought youth should have more representation in Georgian politics. By March 2023, this figure had risen to 78%.
Suddenly, this Generation Z has something different going for itself, this desire to change things and faith they could be changed. “A New Hope, like Star Wars,” quips Zibzibadze mixing the movie metaphor.
Hugo Laulan is a Master in Journalism and Politics student at IEP Sciences Po Bordeaux, France interning with Civil.ge
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