When President Salome Zurabishvili uttered the word “resistance” to describe what was happening now in the streets of Georgia, where tens of thousands of protesters confront the brutal police force, few in Georgia took notice. The media made no headlines from that word; it does not have the ring to it in the Georgian language, nor does it resonate in the political psyche. Yet, indeed, in the mouth of the granddaughter of the Georgian political emigres who fled the Russian occupation, the French-born and raised civil servant, the word “Resistance” is written with the capital R.
Jaba Devdariani is a soliciting editor for Civil.ge. This opinion is his own and does not necessarily reflect the position of this newspaper.
Following the lightning Nazi invasion and occupation in 1940, France succumbed to the Vichy – a collaboration regime, basing itself on values of conservatism and family, laced with anti-semitic xenophobia. Yet, almost immediately, a resistance movement – to the occupying Reich and the domestic collaboration – was born and gained momentum. It was a heterogeneous affair, bringing Catholic patriots with communists and anarchists, all united with the idea of defending their homeland and its political identity against the invader.
What we see being born on Georgia’s streets these days is a very similar phenomenon. The “mere” rigged election brought a few thousand democratic-minded Georgians into the streets. Yet, the ruling party’s decision to halt the European accession is mobilizing higher-tens of thousands for the sixth day, who are braving tear gas, water cannons, and wanton brutality from the police-backed goons. The Resistance is building its own momentum; it dictates its own language and cadence to the visibly fumbling ruling party and the political class in general — the opposition political parties essentially stepped aside, unable to catch up.
Yes, sadly for some, myself included, the idea of a liberal and democratic republic may not have a deep enough adhesion. Even many Georgians who say they prefer democracy and see themselves as Europeans hold values that do not conform to what the European human rights treaties say about treating minorities or what labor protection in the social state should look like. However, the belief in Georgia’s nationhood as intrinsically distinct from that of Russia, hatred of Russian imperialism, and spontaneous resistance to those wishing to install tyranny at home seems to run much, much deeper. It cuts across social class, ideological preferences, and age groups, nourishing resistance.
Indeed, the youth has occupied a particular place in the efforts to counter the attempts of the Georgian Dream to alter the way of life by installing laws that restrict freedoms of association and media and stigmatize whole groups like CSO activists or queer people as undesirable. In spring 2023, they appeared seemingly out of nowhere to dare the police and ridicule their efforts to chase the protests off the streets. This time, as police brutality reaches new levels, so does their resistance, with fireworks, gas masks, makeshift shields, and teams to extinguish gas canisters becoming the daily fixture and international media’s eye candy. They command respect and solidarity from Georgians. In 2023, protesters actively restrained the youth’s drive to confront the police and scolded them for a couple of incidents. More tame, symbolic events dominated the scene of the protest in 2024.
But the time for niceties now seems to be over – and tags like ACAB (All Cops Are Bastards) and identical 1312 flourish on the walls. While there are noises of criticism, many stand in solidarity, and most are ready to let the street battles run their course. The language of resistance is rarely nuanced, and the bruised faces and broken bones of peaceful citizens who passed through “special police treatment” make it impossible to perceive the police as “forces of constitutional order.” The party that has trampled the Constitution can no longer lay legitimate claim on its defense.
The logic of Resistance is the logic of the final battle: victory or death. With each day that the ruling party refuses to negotiate with the forces of moderation and to re-set the normal political process by running new elections, the spirit of Resistance will probably grow, even if its dynamic phase is suppressed by force.
The Georgian Dream propaganda firehose spent at least the past two years spewing the message that people “without motherland and without dignity” were opposing it. Ironically, they seem to have gotten their comeuppance: now they stand face to face with people who are ready to sacrifice themselves precisely for their motherland and for their dignity.
Who could foresee the future now? Disillusionment may gain the upper hand, and today’s resistants may return to their gig economy jobs and classrooms. Or the resistance movement may signal the wholesale re-formatting of the Georgian political scene into a more ideologically driven terrain. The French example tells us that those forces that resist together may find themselves at bitter odds once the battle is won. Yet, it also teaches us that solidarity on the battlefield may help forge the basis of consensus for the principles of the new Republic. But that is in the unforeseeable future.
Before, the struggle needs to be won.
In the meantime, a lesson for the world seems to be: to hybrid occupation – hybrid resistance.