Op-ed | EU Must Prepare to Support Georgian Exiles

Amid rapidly closing civic space, Georgia is on the verge of a massive and targeted brain drain with serious long-term consequences for its democratic future. As Georgia’s democratic space collapses, Europe must step in—not just with words, but with a concrete plan to support the country’s civic infrastructure inside and outside its borders.

Vano Chkhikvadze is a visiting lecturer at the Georgian Institute of Public Affairs (GIPA).

This Op-ed is based on an article published in GEOpolitics, a leading source of analysis on foreign policy issues that relate to Georgia. You can learn more about the EU’s policy options on visa liberalization and visa suspension mechanisms by clicking on the full article link here.

In 2023 alone, 205,000 people left Georgia. According to a CRRC survey, 45% of Georgians said they would consider temporarily leaving the country. With political repression rising in 2025, that number will likely grow significantly. Georgia has experienced emigration before, especially in the 1990s. But this exodus will be qualitatively different.

It will not be driven by economic hardship alone but by political suffocation. By the end of May, the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA) will come into force and criminalize foreign-funded civic activism, on top of the Russian-style “foreign agent” law passed in 2024, which already exposed civil society organizations to harsh administrative penalties. Additional restrictions were passed to muzzle independent media and to stifle protest actions through exorbitant fines. Scores of Georgians have been imprisoned for speaking up. There are signs and fears that independent academic institutions and internet freedom are next in line for repression.

A distinct social stratum is being pushed out of the country: the urban, educated, pro-European middle class, which has been the engine behind Georgia’s democratic reforms, civic innovation, and EU integration efforts. Their removal will leave a gaping void in the country’s intellectual and civic life.

Their departure won’t repeat the migration pattern of the Central and Eastern European countries, where people left for better opportunities once these countries acceded to the EU. Those emigrants eventually returned, bringing back know-how and investment. Under the Georgian Dream’s current trajectory, exiled Georgian dissidents will not be welcomed back. Instead, they will become part of a disenfranchised diaspora, disconnected from the policymaking processes at home. As Bidzina Ivanishvili, GD’s patron, once famously said, the Georgians are welcome to leave the country and live and work in the EU. 

The consequences will ripple far beyond civil society. Many leaving are university lecturers, trainers, and public educators, meaning Georgia’s educational system will be further hollowed out. Others lead human rights organizations, run fact-checking initiatives, or provide legal aid to the most vulnerable. Their departure will dismantle the remaining counterweight to the Georgian Dream’s expanding dominance.

What is coming is apparent. More Georgians will seek asylum in the EU. Twenty EU and Schengen countries currently classify Georgia as a “safe country of origin,” which allows for fast-track rejection of asylum claims. But this classification is increasingly outdated. Countries like Belgium, Malta, Hungary, and Slovakia already do not apply this status to Georgia, and recent rulings in Germany, where a Berlin court refused to treat Georgia as a safe country, signal that change is coming.

EU member states should be ready to revise their safe-country lists and process Georgian asylum applications with political nuance and urgency. Beyond asylum, they should create tailored humanitarian visa pathways, residency permits, and professional support schemes for civil society actors, journalists, and academics fleeing repression. The lessons from Belarus and Ukraine could come in handy. 

But more importantly, Europe must invest in Georgia’s democratic diaspora. These people will be instrumental in rebuilding Georgia’s institutions when political conditions shift. Such support must include:

•  Legal and logistical assistance to establish NGOs in exile.
• Institutional development funding for civic groups forced to relocate.
• Fellowships and grants for journalists, researchers, and policy experts working on Georgia-related issues.
• Support for independent online media hubs and information platforms.
• Continued engagement with civil society organizations still operating in Georgia, especially those refusing to register as “foreign agents.”

The brain drain that is coming—and in many ways already underway—is not just a migration crisis. It is a deliberate ejection of Georgia’s democratic soul, engineered through legal pressure, financial starvation, and fear. If the West fails to respond, it will not only betray its Georgian partners—it will cede the field to those who believe that repression works and that democracy can be erased without consequence.

Europe must act—not only to shelter Georgia’s exiles but also to amplify their voices, support their work, and keep the promise of democratic renewal alive. Once a nation’s conscience is forced into silence or exile, rebuilding it will be a far steeper and lonelier climb.

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